By Lt. Colonel Sheriff Samsudeen Sarr 

 

I have all these past days been trying to put the Jammeh-Singhateh fracas into its proper perspective but with little or no success thanks to the ever-lingering doubts popping up after every finalized analysis.

As much as a good part of my gut feelings tend to lead into believing that their conflict is real, my past experiences with the characters of this shadowy government frequently jostled my instincts into wondering whether it is actually what I think it is. I still find it difficult to understand why the government is not explaining to the Gambian people what really went wrong between them. Without any explanation, any hasty conclusion drawn from what we know so far, speculative or not should better be put on hold until the facts are clear, if ever they would.

I once said this before and I am going to say it one more time, governments in The Gambia, past or present, have not been good in sharing high-profile facts with the people especially, in incidents surrounded with controversy. I am still scratching my head over the actual facts behind the defunct Senegambia Confederation’s abrupt disintegration in 1989. Depending on the speculators one may ask, answers to what happened have ranged from Gambia being the traitor to Senegal definitely pulling the rug under the feet of President Jawara. Nothing whatsoever was ever explained to the Gambians whom I still think deserve to know the official version. It has been like that with the Jammeh government as well with perhaps some dangerous notches added to the unjustifiable dogma; they would not only refrain from speaking out, but when they do, they often shamelessly prefer to lie than tell the truth.

However, in the Singhateh case, it appears as if they would rather keep quiet about what everybody is boiling to know than even attempt to reveal anything, truth or lies. In my speculative mind therefore, I have many times changed my opinion to where I have narrowed it down to two possibilities. These two positions are the ones I want to throw back to the government to see whether it could be of help to them if help is what they really need to talk or act.

While throughout last week I joggled with a little bit of confusion over the official announcement that Edward and Peter Singhateh were relieved of their duties-meaning being fired in the APRC language- to the “kankan” (rumour mill) version that they both resigned similarly meaning that it is undependable old “kankan” again, by the weekend, my thoughts had shifted to something more focused. And why? A quick reflection taken over the recent past.

In the so-called November counter coup attempt allegedly led by Lieutenant Basiru Barrow in 1994, first-hand witnesses to his activities backed by statements indicated that the officer few days before the event was in constant contact with Edward Singhateh. As a matter of fact so many officers and other ranks strongly believed that Singhateh was the very one who encouraged Barrow into taking the risk of that fatal counter-coup attempt. Barrow they said was openly making remarks at the Army Headquarters vowing to deal with every member of the ruling Council except Singhateh if matters had gone well. Witnesses also remembered Barrow being regularly seen in Singhateh’s office during the period on visits that were unofficial and most likely related to what his plans were.

Another person visible in that circle of contacts between Barrow and the State House elements was the late Almamo Manneh whom some believed tipped off Jammeh about the conspiracy. Almamo ironically was one of the closest friends to the late Lt. Barrow; a relationship enjoyed by both long before 1994 when they were serving in the Motor and Transport Unit of the GNA.

But another hypothesis forwarded and still maintained by some insiders was that while Edward was encouraging Barrow to consider him his supporter, he was behind the scenes assuring Jammeh the same sentiments but waiting to see what suited his best interest in the last minutes. Well, what happened in the end was not a secret to Gambians.

Anyhow, on that eleventh day of November after arresting and torturing Barrow to the brink of death, Singhateh according to those present at Fajara Barracks that night deliberately selected the officer out of the line of suspects and fired in him the single 7.62 millimeter bullet that took his life instantly. Lieutenant Dot Faal was also shot and killed that night.

Singhateh also made it a point of duty to see that all other arrested officers who might have spoken directly with Barrow over the planning period were killed and buried at Yundum Barracks, an action many attributed to wiping out any evidence linking him to the plot. He started the killing and I believe ended it after being well satisfied.

A reflection on that treacherous event leaves me with the suspicion that a similar subterfuge could be cooking all over again.

Singhateh’s long isolation from Jammeh’s inner circle followers coupled with the misconception that he could be as a result trusted into any collaboration to wallop Jammeh out of power might have driven another naïve team of military personnel into approaching him for another attempt. And Singhateh being the callous desperado he has ever been with no more ideas on how to win Jammeh’s favor again will certainly salivate over any such opportunity that will not only put him back to the center stage, but also provide him with the victims to quench his long thirst for human blood. So my stern warning goes to any soldier or soldiers, officers or other ranks, including private citizens in or outside the country that might have clandestinely contacted this vampire to be mindful; deals struck with him for any subversive activity could be their direct route to hell.

When Sabally was brought down in 1995, all sorts of reasons were presented for his arrest and detention most of which were of course later proven to be false.

However, in Edward’s case there are countless incidents attributed to his bad actions that could save the government from falsifying any reasons about his final separation with the Jammeh regime. Keeping quiet wouldn’t be good at all.

Jammeh however could have for the purpose of supporting his position start by forcing this killer to identify the burial spots he had dumped all his victims in, physically help in exhuming their remains and moving them to proper cemeteries where their family members would at last have a closure over their lost sons, brothers, fathers and uncles. That might not perhaps be practical, considering the cruel way and place most of them were tossed in and buried, a single pit where they may have all decomposed into skeletons. But still, for the honor and respect for those young men who might have died not knowing why this psychopath killed them, the government in a show of sympathy and solidarity with their family members could enshrine the area with a special epitaph bearing their names and the day they were murdered. A sort of monument where family members could go and pray for their loved ones and to educate interested visitors about how the area came to be from the evil actions of Edward David Singhateh, Batch samba Jallow, Sgt. Alhaji Kanyi and other members of his “Death Squad”.

The PPP government was rightly castigated for abandoning the corpses of Corporal Lamin Bojang and Private Sama Jawo the only two Gambians killed in Liberia in 1990. In 1995 in sympathy with their family members and in honor of the fallen victims the AFPRC government tasked me to fly to Liberia and bring back their remains for proper burial in their own country. The successful recovery of their remains and their burial at home was clearly uplifting to the whole Gambian nation especially, the men in uniform.

So Jammeh must be cognizant of the fact that unless he was a party to the action or decision leading to that November 1994 crime, his failure to repair that damage widely associated with Singhateh could be incriminating and further confirm my fears that he is still in bed with his old henchman. It will be a gigantic step in convincing some of us that he has really parted with the devil and his wicked deeds. Otherwise, I would have no choice but to maintain my suspicion of a ploy behind the frenzy.

If the crisis between them is as real as I initially thought it was, then Singhateh must be punished. Arraigning him in the courts and charged with whatever crime he may have committed could be a recipe for trouble. He has killed too many people to deserve being killed as well. But I don’t want him jailed or killed. I think the best thing to do with him is to condemn him to exile; I mean banishing him out of The Gambia to may be, his original home country, England. In that way, the country would not only get rid of a person of indisputable evilness but will as well keep him away from one day dying in the Gambia. Nothing should remind the God-fearing Gambians of this man anymore. Even his soul must not be allowed to linger among the good souls of pure Gambians.

However, leaving him freely could one day attract dissidents internal or eternal to join hands with him and try to bring him back as the nation’s ruler. Because to many who do not want to accept any thing bad being said about Singhateh, they think his only rightful place is on Jammeh’s seat.

Having said that, I would now like to address the special issues that I think could help Jammeh out of the potential danger facing him and his government in these critical times

In my book, Coup d’etat by the Gambia National Army, I dedicated the whole Twentieth Chapter to President Jammeh’s need to work out an exit strategy from power as soon as possible. In it, I have offered two possible roadmaps; one for him to do as Jerry Rawlings of Ghana did or else face the second, the continuous lingering threat to his government as demonstrated now and again. Because of his style of administration, his government since 1994 has one way or the other forced too many Gambians to voluntarily or involuntarily leave the country permanently. I am talking about Gambians in thousands who are now apprehensive of even visiting their beloved country because of the trouble the government might cause them upon arrival. To many of the foreign dissidents like myself coming back home has nothing to do with a wish to change or antagonize the regime or seek employment from the government; instead the most urgent ones are those who have had enough staying away and would now want to return home and quietly living the simple Gambian life. Some dearly miss their family members, others their friends and partners with a good many of them hoping that some day sooner rather than later, they could go and watch over their children and grandchildren grow under their supervision. They want to once again enjoy their freedom to attend Friday mosque prayers, Sunday church congregations, meet in Vous, attend weddings and christening ceremonies.

As for me, my mother Ya Rohey died in 2004, my grandmother Mam Anta in 2005 and my younger brother Lie in 2007. That was almost all remaining members of my family dying in my absence. In their deathbeds my mother and grandmother I understand had asked when I was coming home and were simply told soon. I am sure I must have been among the last images in their minds before they breathed their last breath. Now my dream and wish is to one day get up and found out that all things are normal again and that I could at least go to Serekunda and kneel beside their graves and pray for them. I wouldn’t try it now because when Fatou Jaw Manneh made the journey to Sukuta to pay respect to her dead father, the government unscrupulously detained her in a litigation that totally bordered on human rights abuse. In my case however, James Kujabi, a one time devotee to Jammeh now in exile, in New York, told a friend of mine in 2001 that my grave had already been dug awaiting my mistake to return to The Gambia. In other words, I was to be killed if I ever return to The Gambia while Jammeh is in power. Therefore, Gambians like us abroad have no choice but to continue opposing this regime and will support anything that will provide us the opportunity to free us of the “Fatwa”.

But Jammeh for the sake of humanity can exploit the window of opportunity provided after his bold action to hit on Singhateh the terrible. Jerry Rawlings as Head of State, committed far more atrocities than the APRC did; but in a wise move he was able to reciprocate his indemnification with relinquishing power to a democracy that has transformed Ghana from a police-like state to one of the most governable countries in the West African sub-region. Jammeh could have started by working out a reconciliation deal with the Ghanaians over the mysterious death of 44 of their people in Brufut and then invite Jerry Rawlings to help him do the same thing he did in Ghana.

I believe it could be done helping Jammeh to smoothly hand over power and have the Gambian Constitution protect him in a similar way as Mr. Rawlings had it.

The chance is good and exploiting it now couldn’t be more appropriate. Anything otherwise could be fatal.

Editor's Note: Samsudeen Sarr's book Coup Detat By The Gambia National Army  is now available in most major book stores across the United States: Amazoon.com, Borders, Bernes&Noble, etc.The 35 copies sent to Kane's African Market in Raleigh have sold out. All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this article or any other article or image, or portions thereof, in any form or context without the expressed permission of The Gambia Echo Newspaper.